Thousands of migrants from Uzbekistan are taking part in Russia’s war against Ukraine. Some voluntarily sign contracts in exchange for citizenship and money; others are coerced or pressured after being accused of crimes. Upon returning, they risk imprisonment at home.
This is reported by Yuliya Paramonova in her article “‘We’ll plant drugs, jail you, label you an extremist’: How Central Asian migrants end up at war and what they face on the front line,” published by the independent Russian media outlet Verstka.
According to the Ukrainian project I Want to Live, cited by Paramonova, at least 2,439 citizens of Uzbekistan are involved in the war. This does not include those who already received Russian citizenship and ended up at the front. In May 2025, Alexander Bastrykin, head of Russia’s Investigative Committee, stated that there were at least 20,000 such individuals from Central Asia. He insisted that migrants who obtained citizenship are obliged to register for military service — otherwise they risk losing it.
Since 2024, a Russian law requires new citizens of the Russian Federation to register for military service immediately after receiving their passports. This gave the authorities a tool to blackmail migrants: either you go to war — or you lose your passport, job, and freedom.
“Either you sign — or we’ll jail you”
A human rights advocate from the international organization Tong Jahoni explains how migrants are threatened: “They’re told their citizenship will be revoked. They’re threatened with lifetime deportation for the entire family, told something will be planted, they’ll be jailed, labeled extremists, and have their property confiscated. Those with money can buy their way out. But if someone is just starting out, running a small business — they’ll lose everything.”
One such case is 25-year-old Muhammad from Samarkand region (name changed at his mother’s request), who was effectively sent to the front by force. He left for Samara in 2020, working first on a construction site as a laborer, then as a courier. In March 2022, he was detained after 21 grams of drugs were found in a parcel.
His family is convinced he was set up. “He never harmed anyone, never disobeyed his parents, he was polite and well-mannered. Everyone here respects him,” Verstka quotes his mother Muslima as saying.
Muhammad was sentenced to seven years. He served three in a penal colony in Samara Oblast. In December 2024, he said he had signed a contract “because he was forced to.” Since then, his mother doesn’t know whether he is alive. In March, she was told his body had been found — but later received a message that he was alive and in a hospital in Moscow.
According to Muslima, losing loved ones in the war in Ukraine has become “a regular occurrence” for families in Uzbekistan.
33-year-old Farukh Yuldashev from the city of Kuvasay was detained in Russia on the ninth day after his arrival — again under drug charges. He was sentenced to 5 years. In prison, he was beaten, intimidated, sent to solitary confinement where he lost a lot of weight. Then he was given a choice: “stay in solitary, sign a contract, or die.” He signed the contract. Soon he was at the front — and was captured.
Farukh’s mother Zuhra saw him in a Telegram channel. From captivity, he said: “I am guilty before them, I came to Ukrainian land myself. So I want to atone. I want to help somehow. I don’t know — maybe construction work.” His right leg had a through-and-through wound. Farukh has a wife and two children in Uzbekistan. If he is returned through a prisoner exchange, he will likely be sent back to the front, his friend Shukhrat told Verstka. According to his mother, Farukh has not received any salary or payments as a serviceman.
Risks after the war
Surviving Uzbek soldiers are in no rush to return home. According to the law, participation of citizens in a foreign army is punishable by 5 to 10 years in prison. Until summer 2025, courts mostly issued suspended sentences or restrictions on freedom, but in July real prison terms began to be handed down.
According to calculations by Vot Tak media, in three years of war Uzbekistan has convicted at least 26 people for mercenarism — more than any other country in the region. However, according to expert Galiya Ibragimova, this does not mean there’s a genuine crackdown on war participation.
“We don’t see serious action against mercenaries. After all, Russia is a key ally,” Ibragimova says about the approach taken by Central Asian governments.
“On one hand, authorities wag their finger at citizens, saying ‘Don’t go to war’, and hold show trials. On the other, sentences are lenient, and governments often turn a blind eye — like ‘we know nothing, no proof, no crime’.”
Ukraine does not repatriate captured Uzbeks directly. Russia, however, often sends them back to the front after an exchange. This blocks repatriation and deepens fear among POWs.
Money as a trap
Many go to war for money. Russia offers $2,000 to $2,500 per month — 5 to 6 times more than the average official wage in Uzbekistan. But actual payments often never arrive — or soldiers die before they are paid.
According to human rights advocates, officers demand bribes for transfer to safer positions — up to 3 million rubles. Simply “getting out” of signing a contract can cost 50,000 to 100,000 rubles. War has become a source of income not just for the army, but for corrupt schemes.
Human rights defenders — not always allies
Migrants on the front line often seek help — but don’t always receive it. Some human rights activists refuse, seeing these fighters as war criminals. “He knew what he was doing,” they say. Others, like lawyer Alexander Kim, believe that if someone was forcibly conscripted and is trying to protect their rights, they deserve support.
The organization Call to Conscience helps even those who are already at the front and want to return. Their options are limited: breaking a contract is hard, usually only possible for medical reasons — or by refusing an order and going to prison.
Fear and silence
After the Crocus City Hall terrorist attack, migrants in Russia became police targets. Raids take place even against those with valid documents. Phones are often confiscated so they can’t call for help. Some are forced to sign contracts under pressure and physical abuse while in custody.
Detention, charges, a contract, war, death or captivity — this path has become all too common for Uzbek citizens in Russia. Many families don’t know where their sons are. According to the author, Uzbek authorities often ignore appeals.
The outlet quotes Muhammad’s mother: “Many are dying in this war, but the government stays silent even though it knows. How many parents like me are there in Uzbekistan! Everyone around me knows what I’ve told you.”
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